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Infofacts Resources: Sexual Violence and Alcohol and Other Drug Use on Campus

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This Infofacts/Resources describes the scope of the problem of sexual assault on campus, perpetrator characteristics and situational circumstances that may make assaults more likely to happen, and the role alcohol and other drugs, including rape-facilitating drugs, play in sexual assault. This publication also provides an overview of sexual harassment and a sidebar on stalking on campus. While these are complex problems, campuses fortunately can take positive steps to address these issues. This publication outlines a set of principles and processes that institutions of higher education can implement to prevent and mitigate sexual violence on campus.


Scope of the Problem: Sexual Assault on Campus
The term sexual assault encompasses a continuum of behaviors from unwanted touching to rape. Definitions of rape and sexual assault vary, with each state having its own legal definitions. The National College Women Sexual Victimization (NCWSV) study, a 1997 telephone survey of 4,446 women sponsored by the U.S. Department of Justice, defined rape as follows:

Forced sexual intercourse including both psychological coercion as well as physical force. Forced sexual intercourse means vaginal, anal, or oral penetration by the offender(s). This category also includes incidents where the penetration is from a foreign object such as a bottle. Includes attempted rapes, [female and male] victims, and [rape by individuals of the opposite sex and same sex]. Attempted rape includes verbal threats of rape.1

The NCWSV study found that 1.7 percent of college women had experienced a completed rape and 1.1 percent an attempted rape in the seven months prior to the study. Projecting these figures over an entire calendar year, the survey’s authors concluded that nearly 5 percent of college women might be victimized annually and that up to 25 percent might be assaulted during their college years.1

Sexual assault is defined more broadly than rape, as “the full range of forced sexual acts, including forced touching or kissing; verbally coerced intercourse; and vaginal, oral, or anal penetration.”2 Because sexual assault encompasses many behaviors and is widely underreported, the actual number of sexual assaults on campus in a year is unknown, but the number is believed to be large.

Sexual assault does not affect victims only physically but also may leave lasting psychological and emotional scars. Moreover, assaults affect the entire campus, not just individual students. Sexual violence compromises the integrity of the safe, welcoming environment campuses are supposed to provide, impinging on the academic and social success of all students.


Characteristics of Sexual Assault Incidents
In 9 out of 10 cases reported in the NCWSV survey, the victims knew the perpetrators. According to the survey, 12.8 percent of completed rapes, 35.0 percent of attempted rapes, and 22.9 percent of threatened rapes took place during a date.1 Nearly 60.0 percent of on-campus rapes took place in the victim’s residence, 31.0 percent occurred in other housing areas, and 10.3 percent happened at a fraternity.1


Causes and Contributors
Sexual aggression is a complex behavior resulting from multiple causes. Many of those who are victims of sexual assault are made to feel that they were somehow responsible for the assault, either through their behavior or appearance or by somehow inviting an assault to occur. In fact, the only victim characteristic that predicts sexual assault is a previous assault. The victim-blaming mentality is unjustified and stands in the way of understanding the true antecedents and determinants of sexual assault.

Sexual violence is a complicated interplay of individual, relationship, social, political, and cultural factors. Researcher Alan Berkowitz proposed an integrated conceptual model of sexual assault that suggests that these incidents result from a combination of perpetrator and victim socialization experiences, beliefs, and attitudes toward sexuality, the characteristics of the situation, and the perpetrator’s misperceptions of the victim’s intent.3

Research finds that men’s likelihood of committing sexual assault is associated with several individual-level factors.3-6 Personality correlates include higher levels of general aggression and impulsivity, and lower empathy. Attitudinal factors include more traditional attitudes toward gender roles, higher levels of hostility toward women, greater acceptance of using force in relationships, beliefs that relationships are based on exploitation and manipulation, and greater acceptance of “rape myths,” that is, false beliefs that victims enjoy assault, ask for or deserve rape, and lie or exaggerate about victimization.

Interpersonal and situational dynamics also play a role. For example, men and women frequently interpret verbal and nonverbal cues of sexual intent differently. Men overestimate women’s interest in them as sexual partners based on outward signs, such as friendliness, attentiveness, and dress.7 Gender role socialization contributes to these dynamics. For example, men may be socialized to believe that women initially offer “token resistance” to protect their reputations but actually want to be overcome sexually.3, 8

In addition, research suggests that the dynamics of all-male groups can contribute to sexual assault by creating a “groupthink” environment that reinforces rape supportive attitudes and fosters conformity.7,9 For example, studies have identified peer pressure to perform sexually and fear of “losing face” as factors that encourage participation in gang rapes.9,10 While misinterpretation, socialization, and group dynamics contribute to sexual violence, they do not cause assault. Ultimately, the perpetrator makes the decision to behave violently.


Stalking

The NCWSV survey asked students the following question: “Has anyone—from a stranger to an ex-boyfriend—repeatedly followed you, watched you, phoned, written, e-mailed, or communicated with you in other ways that seemed obsessive and made you afraid or concerned for your safety?”1

The study found that 13.1 percent of the female students had been stalked since the beginning of the school year.

In 10.3 percent of the incidents, the stalker “forced or attempted sexual contact.”

The NCWSV found that four in fi ve victims knew their stalkers. Known perpetrators were most frequently a boyfriend, ex-boyfriend, classmate, acquaintance, friend, or coworker.1

Because stalking is not one event, but rather a series of behaviors, campus stalking may be difficult to identify. What may appear to be simply bothersome attention, such as repeatedly asking for dates or frequently making unwanted phone calls, may escalate into physical or sexual violence. Stalking may cause victims to feel that they have lost control of their lives and to become extremely fearful.23 Surprisingly, many victims may not realize the unwanted or threatening behavior may constitute stalking, and the majority of these incidents are not reported to campus or local law enforcement.1


Alcohol Use
Alcohol is a frequently cited situational contributor to sexual violence. The National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) 2002 report on college drinking estimated that more than 70,000 students between the ages of 18 and 24 experience alcohol-related sexual assault or date rape each year in the United States.11

Researcher Antonia Abbey reports that, on average, at least 50 percent of sexual assaults among college students involve alcohol use, with exact estimates varying based on the study sample and methods.7 While alcohol and other drug use may be present in violent incidents, it does not justify or excuse assault.

Alcohol use may increase the risk of sexual assault through several pathways. For example, drinkers may use alcohol as an excuse to engage in sexually aggressive behavior or as a coercive tactic to obtain sex. In addition, alcohol may result in increased misperceptions of the woman’s sexual interest, decreased concern about her experience, or decreased ability to evaluate accurately whether consent has beenobtained.7,12 Many men falsely believe that alcohol increases sexual arousal and legitimates nonconsensual sexual aggression.7 Perpetrators perceive drinking women as more sexually available, for example, believing that women who have two or more drinks are more interested than other women in having sex.7 Intoxication by the victim can decrease her ability to resist assault effectively. This is especially true if a victim becomes unconscious after drinking.7 Additionally, alcohol use sometimes fosters a double standard in which women are held more responsible, and men held less responsible, if an assault occurs.

While the extent of campus sexual assault is alarming, recent research also finds that most college men are not coercive, do not want to victimize others, and are willing to be part of the solution to sexual assault. In surveys across several campuses, for example, a majority of men agreed with various statements about gaining consent for sex, such as “I stop the first time my date says ‘no’ to sexual activity.” Similarly, the majority of men surveyed indicated their willingness to intervene in potential sexual assault situations. The exact percentage varied based on the nature of the scenario.13


Rape-Facilitating Drugs
In addition to alcohol, various other drugs are used to facilitate rape. These include marijuana, cocaine, gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB), benzodiazepines (including Rohypnol), ketamine, barbiturates, chloral hydrate, methaqualone, heroin, morphine, LSD, and other hallucinogens. Sometimes referred to as “date rape drugs,” these substances may be taken knowingly or may be slipped surreptitiously into someone’s drink or otherwise given to an unsuspecting person who is then assaulted. When combined with alcohol, as is frequently the case, these drugs can lead to blackout.14

While alcohol is by far the most commonly used rape-facilitating drug, Rohypnol and GHB also are well known for their incapacitatingeffects.15 Rohypnol, the trade name for flunitrazepam, is used in some countries to treat insomnia but is illegal in the United States.15 Rohypnol has many street names, such as “roofies.”15 The drug is inexpensive and widely available through illicit sources.16

Rohypnol makes users look and act as though they are intoxicated. Adverse effects include disorientation, confusion, dizziness, drowsiness, impaired motor skills, impaired judgment, and unconsciousness.15 The result is that victims may be incapacitated and unable to resist a sexual assault.

Since 1999, the manufacturer of Rohypnol has added blue dye to the tablets so the drug is visible when dissolved in drinks. However, the clear-dissolving tablets are still available on the black market. Additionally, perpetrators of sexual assault may add the tablets to blue-tinted drinks in which the dye is not visible.

The effects of Rohypnol are felt within 15 to 30 minutes after use and may persist for many hours. Rohypnol is very dangerous when mixed with alcohol or other depressants. Possible adverse outcomes include low blood pressure, difficulty breathing, coma, and even death.15

Victims who were given Rohypnol are often uncertain whether they were assaulted. In addition to causing amnesia, the drug metabolizes quickly and is undetectable 72 hours after ingestion.17 Therefore, law enforcement officials may not be able to trace the drug in those who were assaulted.

GHB underwent clinical trials by the FDA as a treatment for sleep disorders, but the drug was never approved or legalized for consumption. Available through illicit channels, GHB also is known as “liquid ecstasy” and “liquid g.”15, 18

GHB may cause severe memory loss, disorientation, dizziness, drowsiness, nausea, vomiting, breathing difficulty, seizure, unconsciousness, and coma. As with Rohypnol, the drug takes effect shortly after ingestion.15


Sexual Harassment
As with rape and sexual assault, legal definitions of sexual harassment vary from state to state, as do campus policies addressing the problem. Sexual harassment, like sexual assault, can involve many types of behavior, including unwanted displays of sexually explicit material, suggestive looks or gestures, sexual teasing or comments, exposure, and deliberate touching or physical closeness.19

One study of campus housing asked whether students had experienced unwanted looks and gestures, sexual teasing, or deliberate touching while in coed residence halls. About 50 percent of women residents answered “yes” for at least one of these three categories. In addition, nearly 40 percent had experienced unwanted social contact and 30 percent unwanted kissing or fondling.19

Men living in residence halls also suffered harassment. Almost half reported unwanted sexual teasing and more than 20 percent experienced unwanted deliberate touching.19

A common characteristic of offenders is a tendency to underestimate the impact of their harassment. The same study found that over 50 percent of these offenders believed that their behavior caused their victims no upset or distress, yet studies show that sexual harassment has high costs for both individuals and organizations.19 Sexual harassment exists on the same continuum of violence as sexual assault, and has similar root causes. Research finds that sexual harassment is a result of the interaction of individual, organizational, and sociocultural factors. This underscores the need to address these problems through a combination of efforts, including education, training, policies, and procedures.20


Strategies for Institutions of Higher Education
Sexual violence is a complex problem that cannot be solved by a one-time program or a single department, nor is there a one-size-fits-all blueprint for successful efforts. Instead, prevention science suggests a set of principles and a process that campus and community stakeholders can use to guide their work.21

Specifically, campus administrators should establish and support an ongoing, collaborative process that brings together campus stakeholders to examine local data; identify and set priorities among local problems; target those problems with a mix of strategies; and evaluate those efforts. Strategies should include a combination of programs, policies, and services that are coordinated and mutually reinforcing. Research shows that coordinated and sustained activities are more effective than one-time programs. Ensuring that multiple efforts are coordinated and synergistic is the most important way campus practitioners can improve their initiatives against violence.

In addition to a strong response to incidents, which is critical, a comprehensive approach also will include complementary measures designed to prevent violence by decreasing the broad array of factors that contribute to violence. Finally, violence prevention approaches can be linked with other prevention efforts on campus, working in concert to create a healthy, safe environment.

The following are examples of available strategies across the spectrum of prevention, early intervention, response, and advocacy. As noted above, strategies should be selected based on a detailed analysis of local conditions and problems.


Examples of Strategies for Campus Sexual Assault and Sexual Harassment Prevention

Efforts to Prevent Sexual Violence and Harassment

Efforts to Respond to Violence


References

  1. Fisher, B.S., F.T. Cullen, and M.G. Turner. (2000). The Sexual Victimization of College Women. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice.
  2. Abbey, A., et al. (2001). Alcohol and Sexual Assault. Alcohol Research & Health: The Journal of the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, 25(1), 43–51.
  3. Berkowitz, A.D., B.R. Burkhart, and S.B. Bourg. (1994). Research on College Men and Rape. New Directions for Student Services, 65, 3–19.
  4. Buddie, A.M., and A.G. Miller. (2001). Beyond Rape Myths: A More Complex View of Perceptions
    of Rape Victims. Sex Roles, 45(3–4), 139–160.
  5. Abbey, A. and P. McAuslan. (2004). A Longitudinal Examination of Male College Students‘ Perpetration of Sexual Assault. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 72(5), 747–756.
  6. Zawacki, T., et al. (2003). Perpetrators of Alcohol-Involved Sexual Assaults: How Do They Differ from Other Sexual Assault Perpetrators and Nonperpetrators? Aggressive Behavior, 29(4), 366–380.
  7. Abbey, A. (2002). Alcohol-related Sexual Assault: A Common Problem Among College Students. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, Supplement No. 14, 118–128.
  8. Yeater, E.A., and W. O’Donohue. (1999). Sexual Assault Prevention Programs: Current Issues, Future Directions, and the Potential Efficacy of Interventions with Women. Clinical Psychology Review, 19(7), 739–771.
  9. Schwartz, M.D., and W.S. DeKeseredy. (1997). Sexual Assault on the College Campus: The Role of Male Peer Support. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
  10. Benedict, J. (1997). Public Heroes, Private Felons: Athletes and Crimes Against Women. Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press.
  11. Task Force of the National Advisory Council on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. (2002). A Call to Action: Changing the Culture of Drinking at U.S. Colleges. Washington, DC: National Institutes of Health.
  12. Marchell, T. and N. Cummings. (2001). Alcohol and Sexual Violence Among College Students. In A. Ottens and K. Hotelling, Eds., Sexual Violence on Campus: Policies, Programs, and Perspectives, New York, NY: Springer Publishing Company, Inc., 30–52.
  13. RAINN. (2005). RAINN’s Social Norms Poster Campaign: Engaging Men in the Prevention of Sexual Assault. Retrieved April 13, 2005, from www.rainn.org/gcpost.html.
  14. Seymour, R.B. (1999). Date Rape Commonly Involves Use of Drugs, Alcohol. The Brown University Digest of Addiction Theory and Application, 18(1), 4.
  15. Rape Treatment Center. (2001). Rape Drugs. Retrieved 2001 from www.911rape.org.
  16. Phelpes, E.F. (1996). Ravages of Rohypnol: Hoffman-LaRoche Inc.’s Rohypnol. Security Management, 40(11), 14.
  17. Santa Fe Rape Crisis Center. (2005). When Drugs Are Used to Rape: Rohypnol and Drug-Facilitated Rape. Retrieved April 18, 2005, from www.sfrcc.org/drugs.html.
  18. Haworth, K. (1998). The Growing Popularity of a New Drug Alarms Health Educators: GHB Has Been Linked to Deaths and Date Rapes on Campuses. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 44(44), A31.
  19. Cairns, K.V. (1994). Unwanted Sexual Attention in University Residences. Journal of College and University Student Housing, 24(1), 30–36.
  20. O’Donohue, W., K. Downs, and E.A. Yeater. (1998). Sexual Harassment: A Review of the Literature. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 3(2), 111–128.
  21. Langford, L. (2004). Preventing Violence and Promoting Safety in Higher Education Settings: An Overview of a Comprehensive Approach. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Safe and Drug-Free Schools, Higher Education Center for Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse and Violence Prevention, 2–11.
  22. Berkowitz, A.D. (2002). Fostering Men’s Responsibility for Preventing Sexual Assault. Retrieved January 25, 2005, from http://alanberkowitz.com/articles/responsibility.pdf.
  23. Kirkland, C.J. Campus Stalking. California Coalition Against Sexual Assault. (2002). Campus
    Stalking.
    Retrieved April 18, 2005, from www.vawnet.org/Intersections/OtherViolenceTypes/Stalking/CALCASA-CampusStalking.pdf.

Higher Education Center for Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse and Violence Prevention
The U.S. Department of Education’s Higher Education Center for Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse and Violence Prevention provides nationwide support for campus alcohol and other drug abuse and violence prevention efforts.

The Center offers training and professional development activities; technical assistance; publications, including Preventing Alcohol-Related Problems on Campus: Acquaintance Rape; support for the Network: Addressing Collegiate Alcohol and Other Drug Issues; and assessment, evaluation, and analysis activities.

The Center offers resources for violence prevention on campus at www.higheredcenter.org/violence. The Center’s Campuses and Other Drugs Web page includes resources on date rape and club drugs, found at www.higheredcenter.org/drugs.

For additional information, contact:

Higher Education Center for Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse and Violence Prevention
Education Development Center, Inc.
55 Chapel Street
Newton, Massachusetts 02458-1060
(800) 676-1730; TDD Relay-Friendly, Dial 711
Fax: (617) 928-1537
HigherEdCtr@edc.org
www.higheredcenter.org/


Other Organizations and Internet Resources

Arizona Rape Prevention and Education Web Site
www.azrapeprevention.org

The site includes rape and sexual assault statistics, citations for evaluation tools, research materials on more than 30 rape-related topics, lists of books and films related to sexual violence and prevention, contact information for state sexual assault coalitions, and basic information to help survivors of sexual violence access services.

Office for Civil Rights, U.S. Department of Education
www.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/index.html
www.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/archives.html

These sites offer resources on sexual harassment and hate crimes, and includes the publication Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crime: A Guide for Schools.

Minnesota Center Against Violence and Abuse
www.mincava.umn.edu

This organization maintains an electronic clearinghouse on the World Wide Web, with access to thousands of Gopher servers, interactive discussion groups, newsgroups, Web sites, and a directory of federal and private funding sources that support violence prevention programs.

National Sexual Violence Resource Center
www.nsvrc.org

The National Sexual Violence Resource Center is a comprehensive collection and distribution center for information, statistics, and resources related to sexual violence useful for anti-sexual assault coalitions, rape crisis centers, allied organizations, community projects, policymakers, government entities, media, educators, health care providers, and others working to address and eliminate sexual assault.

Security On Campus, Inc.
www.securityoncampus.org

Security On Campus, Inc. (SOC), a nonprofit grassroots organization, educates students,
parents, and the campus community about the prevalence of crime on campus and assists victims and their families with guidance pertaining to laws, victims’ organizations, legal counsel, and access to information. SOC also fosters security improvements through campus community initiatives and provides effective procedures and programs to reduce alcohol and other drug abuse.


This publication was funded by the Office of Safe and Drug-Free Schools at the U.S. Department of Education under contract number ED-04-CO-0137 with Education Development Center, Inc. The contracting officer’s representative was Richard Lucey, Jr. The content of this publication does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the U.S. Department of Education, nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the U.S. government. Published 1997. Revised September 2005.

Last Update: October 21, 2005


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